2023 Rescission Calendar Old Republic – Abram across the river and Chedorlamar, king of Elam (Genesis 14): the establishment of Persian and Jewish ethnic identities in the late pastoral narrative
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2023 Rescission Calendar Old Republic
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Received: August 16, 2021 / Revised: October 7, 2021 / Accepted: October 8, 2021 / Published: October 12, 2021
(This article is about a special issue of Persian and Iranian constructions of identity, ethnicity, and religion from antiquity to the present day.)
This article attempts to explore how commemorative practices, rituals, and holidays are invented, adapted, and recreated for political and ideological purposes to reinforce and maintain a particular narrative of national identity. It is argued that both the choice of specific moments in the country’s past for celebrating national holidays in the calendar, and the way the collective past is preserved and remembered, reflect and determine the current essence of the country, its inhabitants. . Recognizing the link between collective memory and national identity, Iranian states have made special efforts to tell about their past by celebrating special holidays and rituals before and after the 1979 revolution. Considering the calendar as a political paradigm, this article compares the changes in Iranian national calendars during the Pahlavi period (1925–1979) and the Islamic Republic (1979–2018). He explores the inclusion of new religious holidays and the removal of national days associated with the monarchy, and attributes new meanings and ritual practices to old ones as symbols of political manipulation to express a new common public memory and tradition. Personality after the 1979 revolution. It examines two national holidays before and after the 1979 revolution that represent two state-sponsored competing traditions of Iranian identity: the first is the celebration of the 2500th anniversary of the Persian Empire in 1953, and the second is Ashura. In memory of a religious meeting. Dedicated to the memory of Shia imams. These memories provided the state with a unique political opportunity to reassess its past and, as a result, its national identity.
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On an autumn morning in October 1971, several dozen foreign leaders visited the desert oasis of Persepolis, the ruins of an ancient imperial capital, sixty kilometers from the city of Shiraz in southwestern Iran. The assembled guests, among whom were nine kings, five queens, sixteen presidents and nine sheikhs, were invited to pay their respects and celebrate the 2500th anniversary of the Persian Empire. They gathered around the richly decorated stone tomb of Cyrus, where Muhammad Reza Shah, bowing to his ancient predecessor, proudly and foolishly declared: “Greetings to Cyrus, we are waking up and we will never wake up.” His speech and the four days of commemorative events that followed, titled “Magic of the Nation,” which expressed continuity with a revered past, are all examples of state-sponsored commemorative practices designed to create a sense of belonging and belonging, as well as a collective past to describe. A national identity can be built around it.
In recent decades, much attention has been paid to the construction and imagination of the Iranian nation (Marshi 2011; Amant and Vejdani 2012; Sharifi 2013; Zia Ebrahimi 2016); Scholars have viewed identity politics in Iran from different perspectives (Asgharzadeh 2007; Ansari 2012; Saleh 2013; Eling 2013), although certain rituals are chosen to commemorate time and place and to provide ritualization. The goal of strengthening a sense of belonging is a relatively unknown and unexplored area, fraught with analytical difficulties and theoretical controversies. Questions such as what is remembered during the holidays and how to pay more attention to them, as an important and relatively accessible source of understanding the various characteristics of the political system, and especially the collective, for expressing a particular narrative of a powerful but limited manipulation of time and space. The past and, in turn, create a national identity.
Thus, this article aims to explore how commemorative rituals, holidays, and related practices were invented, adapted, and recreated for political and ideological purposes, as well as to reinforce and reinforce a particular tradition of national identity in Iran. The celebration on the calendar marks certain moments in the country’s past as national holidays and reflects and defines the country in a way that preserves and remembers the collective past. He argues about who the real entity and its people are. ? . In terms of McPherson and McCrone, focusing on the national calendar, this article demonstrates that “history never ends just like that, but it is remembered and reconstructed for the present” (MacPherson and McCrone, 2009, p. 7). It examines changes in Iran’s national calendars, the introduction of new religious holidays and the abolition of national days associated with the monarchy, and the giving of new meanings and ritual practices to the old ones as symbols of political manipulation. New shared public memory and collective identity after the 1979 revolution.
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The article first defines a theoretical framework for defining the dialectical relationship between identity, collective memory and ritual, as well as the political use of commemorative practices – the ideological appropriation of the past, as manifested in the country’s calendar. Considering the calendar as a political model, he describes and compares the changes in the Iranian calendars during the Pahlavi period (1925–1979) and the Islamic Republic (1979–present). Special attention is paid to two nationwide celebrations before and after the 1979 revolution, two state-sponsored monumental performances of competing main narratives about Iranian identity: the celebration of the 2500th anniversary of the Persian Empire, the ethnic heritage of the nation. and Ashura, The. The annual religious celebration of the martyrdom of Hussein, the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad, in Karbala.
The structural nature of national identity is clear today. The idea of identity as a sacred, stable and unchanging reality is shattered. Identity and related narratives and memories are seen as selective and subjective constructions of reality that serve particular interests, power relations, or political ideologies rather than objective and descriptive representations. Indeed, there is an inherent link between identity and memory. Defined as a sense of identity across time and space, identity is defined and maintained by recalling selected memories. Collective memories, on the other hand, are constantly being revised in response to the various needs of society and the state and in accordance with their identity. Therefore, identity and collective memory are associated with dialectical formation (Gillis 1994).
The collective memory of the nation to which people belong, its “remembered” and “constructed” history, in combination with the individual biographies of individuals, significantly forms people’s ideas about who they are and about their national identity. It gives the nation an account of its origins and historical development, its unique identity and contrast with other surrounding nations, and thereby allows it to identify itself in time (Jerubavel 1995). However, it is in a state of constant change, open to “the language of remembering and forgetting” (Nora 1989), vulnerable to manipulation and appropriation, and unaware of its constant ambiguity (Halbwachs 1992).
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By virtue of its impersonal nature, collective memory materializes as “social” memory (Nora 1989), history books, museums, archives, media and rituals, ceremonies and commemorative rituals. Extraordinary events embodying our deepest and most fundamental values break out of the usual historical sequence. . … In this sense, commemoration is a register of sacred history” (Schwartz 1982: 377).
Celebrating communal holidays, celebrating holidays and participating in religious pilgrimages